Weaving Knowledge Systems Resource Materials

Indigenous Leadership and Management programs at Banff Centre provide leaders an opportunity to gain a better understanding of how to establish a strategic direction for their communities and organizations, implement that plan through focused effort, and measure performance.

Leaders also learn the knowledge and skills necessary to run effective organizations and build communities with sustainable economies. With investment in their professional development, community leaders will have additional knowledge and tools to achieve incredible change and growth. [From Website]

The treaty negotiations process provides a framework for the three parties: Canada, BC and First Nations – to work towards the common goal of reconciliation, and building a new relationship, through constitutionally entrenched government-to-government-to-government understandings.

Some of the major components integral to modern treaty making in British Columbia are:
aboriginal rights; self-government; land and resources;
financial issues; fishing; forestry. [From Website]

This essay examines the rebuilding and revitalizing of self-governance capacities in Indigenous communities, and how this is impacting their efficacy in resource management. The origins and experiences in Canada of integrating Indigenous peoples and knowledge into institutionalized resource management are discussed, and the essay posits necessary conditions for full and effective participation in environmental management, arguing that effective self-governance is vital to moving forward on these conditions. Two collaborative processes led by Indigenous peoples will be highlighted as they demonstrate the importance of self-governance initiatives for participation in environmental management processes: the Whitefeather Forest Initiative led by Pikangikum First Nation in Northern Ontario; and the Turning Point Initiative led by the Haida in British Columbia. [From Author]

This paper has three goals: 1) briefly outline the process through which Shxw’õwhámél came to adopt the Siyá:m System in 1994; 2) highlight certain concerns about the limitations of that system as articulated by community members in 2006; and 3) provide a detailed discussion of those historical government and missionary actions that served to isolate and curtail inter-village family relationships. [From Author]

Scholarship on Aboriginal governance in Canada has tended to focus on individual communities and formal political processes to the exclusion of informal regional social networks. The author’s own earlier research was itself compromised by a myopia that failed to adequately situate the Stó:lõ Coast Salish community of Shxw’õwhámél within its broader regional context. This article revisits the Shxw’õwhámél community’s experiment in decolonizing its governance system a decade after the community replaced the Indian Act election and governance processes with a system modelled after its historical system of extended family government. Drawing on current interviews to identify both the strengths and shortcomings of the newly rejuvenated system, the author provides historical analysis of early colonial efforts to manipulate the pre-contact governing system to reveal the extent to which Canadian colonialism has not only worked to atomize familial networks, but also to undermine democracy in the process. The author concludes that indigenous political authority continues to be compromised by the colonial experience and points out that the legacy of 150 years of assimilationist policies has sometimes made it difficult for Aboriginal people themselves to separate the effects of colonialism from its causes as they struggle to re-assert self-governance. [From Author]

First Nations have an inherent aboriginal right to self-government. They have existed as sovereign, self-governing nations since long before the establishment of the Government of Canada. First Nations have never relinquished the right of self-government. The sovereignty of First Nations was recognized by the Crown in the Royal Proclamation of 1763. Treaties negotiated between First Nations and the Crown or the Government of Canada constitute binding international agreements between governments that continue to remain in force. First Nations' inherent aboriginal rights of self government and treaties are the basis for government-to-government relationships between First Nations and the Government of Canada. Within Canada, First Nations are an order of government apart from the federal government and the governments of the provinces and territories. [From Author]

Whether the general public realizes it or not, Indigenous peoples in the United States today are living in a new policy era—one that I call ―forced federalism‖ (1988 – present). As a result of the 1988 Indian Gaming and Regulatory Act (―IGRA‖)1 and the subsequent transfer of federal powers to state governments, Indigenous nations have been forced into dangerous political and legal relationships with state governments that challenge their cultures and nationhood. This rapid devolution of federal powers to state governments has undermined the once exclusive federal government-to indigenous government relationship, which was the result of 379 prior treaties, direct consultation with Congress on indigenous affairs, federal statutory
obligations, and court decisions. [From Author]

Over the past forty years, recognition has become the dominant mode of negotiation and decolonization between the nation-state and Indigenous nations in North America. The term "recognition" shapes debates over Indigenous cultural distinctiveness, Indigenous rights to land and self-government, and Indigenous peoples' right to benefit from the development of their lands and resources. In a work of critically engaged political theory, Glen Sean Coulthard challenges recognition as a method of organizing difference and identity in liberal politics, questioning the assumption that contemporary difference and past histories of destructive colonialism between the state and indigenous peoples can be reconciled through a process of acknowledgment. [From Publisher]

Presented by the SFU Woodward's Cultural Unit and the Vancity Office of Community Engagement

Glen Coulthard is an assistant professor in the First Nations Studies Program and the Department of Political Science at UBC. Coulthard has written and published numerous articles and chapters in the areas of contemporary political theory, indigenous thought and politics, and radical social and political thought (marxism, anarchism, post-colonialism). His most recent work on Frantz Fanon and the politics of recognition won the Contemporary Political Theory Annual Award for Best Article of the Year in 2007. He is Yellowknife's Dene First Nations. [From YouTube]

In July 2008, IAHLA and FNESC presented to the provincial government a policy background paper titled Aboriginal Post-Secondary Education in British Columbia: A Place for Aboriginal Institutes.” That paper provides information and six recommendations to advance the formal recognition of Aboriginal-controlled post-secondary institutes as a critical component of the British Columbia post-secondary system. The policy background paper has proven to be an effective and valuable document for facilitating consultations with Aboriginal-controlled institutes and First Nations communities throughout BC, and for advancing key issues with government and other relevant stakeholders. [From Website]

The First Nations principles of OCAP establish how First Nations’ data and information will be collected, protected, used, or shared. OCAP is a tool to support strong information governance on the path to First Nations data sovereignty. [From Website]

The barrage of negative media reports coupled with reactionary federal legislation have led many Canadians to believe that most First Nation governments are corrupt. Although systematic evidence of widespread corruption has yet to materialize, governance problems in some First Nations communities do exist. With the majority of First Nations operating under the band governance system imposed by the Indian Act, political troubles are often attributed to this law. Despite the fact the Indian Act creates conditions for governance problems to occur, other First Nations have resisted its enticement and operate sound administrations. Nations like these influenced this study.
To understand and explain how First Nations achieve and maintain effective governance, conversations took place with First Nations leaders, administrators, Elders and community members in Alberta and BC. The study was conducted using an Indigenous-Qualitative approach where the qualitative aspect involved a grounded theory methodology. Findings show that
effective First Nations governance involves an inter-related journey consisting of four phases: motivators of change, visions of effective governance, actions to support effective governance and the maintenance of governance improvements. [From Author]

Importantly, the implementation of the UN Declaration cannot be achieved through legislative reform alone. Bill 41 represents one step towards a renewed relationship between the Province and Indigenous Peoples. Ultimately, however, the principles enshrined in the Declaration can only be fully realized if the provincial government, along with non-Indigenous people residing in BC, are willing to commit to reimagining a new future in which Indigenous Peoples’ rights and decision-making authority are fully recognized and respected. [From Website]

Indigenous Services Canada supports First Nations and Inuit communities in the implementation of strong, effective and sustainable governments. [From Website]

The settlement of the residential school system class action and the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada have renewed discussions on the relationship between peoples and the Crown as part of achieving reconciliation. This article argues that promoting reconciliation in Canada requires addressing the underlying issue that led to the residential school system: the unilateral imposition of colonial law with the goal of assimilating Indigenous peoples. The best way to prevent such actions in the future requires realizing Indigenous peoples right to self-determination. The U.N. Declaration, with its recognition of Indigenous peoples' right to self-determination, provides a framework that can be used to work toward reconciliation and reset the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the Crown. [From Author]

The study is based primarily on fieldwork conducted in the centre during the 1988-9 school year. At that time, over 400 adult students were enrolled in eleven programs ranging from basic literacy and upgrading to “skills training” including Native Public Administration, Family Violence Counselling, and Criminal Justice Studies. Selected words of the people interviewed figure prominently in the descriptions of everyday life in the centre. The author contextualizes people’s notions of taking control, first within the space where they work, a building specially created using cedar planks, glass, and hand-carved poles, and second in relation to the efforts by aboriginal people to control their formal education in British Columbia. The book also contains a brief history of the centre itself. [From Publisher]

Community led planning is necessary for Inuit to self-determine on their lands and to ensure the preservation of cultural landscapes and the sustainability of social-ecological systems that they are a part of. The sustainability efforts of three Inuit communities in Labrador during a Community Governance and Sustainability Initiative were guided by a decolonized and strength-based planning framework, including the values of Inuit in this study. This paper demonstrates that Inuit led planning efforts can strengthen community sustainability planning interests and potential. We situate the experiences of NunatuKavut Inuit within, and contribute to, the existing body of scholarly decolonization and sustainability literature. For many Indigenous people, including Inuit, decolonization is connected to inherent rights to self-determination. The findings suggest that decolonizing efforts must be understood and actualized within an Indigenous led research and sustainability planning paradigm that facilitates autonomous decision making and that is place based. Further, this study illustrates five predominant results regarding Inuit in planning for community sustainability that support sustainable self-determination. These include: inter and cross community sharing; identification of community strengths; strengthened community capacity; re-connection to community and culture; and the possibility for identification of sustainability goals to begin implementation through community led governance and planning processes. [From Author]

This paper discusses how the recent pandemic due to COVID-19 has reinforced the importance in the recognition, implementation and right to self-govern. This paper works to form proper connections between Indigenous communities and Crown jurisdictions, laws and levels of government. As we prepare for possible pandemics similar to COVID-19 and attempt to strengthen governance in times of distress, this paper serves as a jumping off point in the right to self-governance and reconciliation. [From Website]

This paper is about the purpose and interpretation of the definition of “Indigenous Governing Bodies” in the context of DRIPA. By making observations about the inclusion of the definition in DRIPA, it helps to build understanding in this area of speculation. It also discusses the distinction between the questions of the proper Title and Rights holder and who represents the proper Title and Rights holder. [From Website]

There are analogous challenges when it comes to the management and provision of health services and drinking water in First Nations reserves in Canada; both represent human rights and both involve complex and multijurisdictional management. The purpose of this study is to translate the tenets of Jordan’s Principle, a child-first principle regarding health service provision, within the broader context of First Nation drinking water governance in order to identify avenues for positive change. This project involved secondary analysis of data from 53 semi-structured, key informant (KI) interviews across eight First Nation communities in western Canada. Data were coded according to the three principles of: provision of culturally inclusive management, safeguarding health, and substantive equity. Failure to incorporate Traditional Knowledge, water worldviews, and holistic health as well as challenges to technical management were identified as areas currently restricting successful drinking water management. Recommendations include improved infrastructure, increased resources (both financial and non-financial), in-community capacity building, and relationship building. To redress the inequities currently experienced by First Nations when it comes to management of and access to safe drinking water, equitable governance structures developed from the ground up and embedded in genuine relationships between First Nations and Canadian federal government agencies are required. [From Author]

Purposes of Act: The purposes of this Act are as follows:
(a)to affirm the application of the Declaration to the laws of British Columbia;
(b)to contribute to the implementation of the Declaration;
(c)to support the affirmation of, and develop relationships with, Indigenous governing bodies. {From Act]

A foundational work of radical anticolonialism, back in print Originally published in 1974, The Fourth World is a critical work of Indigenous political activism that has long been out of print. George Manuel, a leader in the North American Indian movement at that time, with coauthor journalist Michael Posluns, presents a rich historical document that traces the struggle for Indigenous survival as a nation, a culture, and a reality. The authors shed light on alternatives for coexistence that would take place in the Fourth World--an alternative to the new world, the old world, and the Third World. Manuel was the first to develop this concept of the "fourth world" to describe the place occupied by Indigenous nations within colonial nation-states. Accompanied by a new Introduction and Afterword, this book is as poignant and provocative today as it was when first published. [From Publisher]

For the Indigenous peoples of North America, the history of colonialism has often meant a distortion of history, even, in some cases, a loss or distorted sense of their own native practices of justice. How contemporary native communities have dealt quite differently with this dilemma is the subject of The Problem of Justice, a richly textured ethnographic study of Indigenous peoples struggling to reestablish control over justice in the face of conflicting external and internal pressures. [From Publisher]

Aboriginal peoples in Canada are gaining influence in post-secondary education through Aboriginal-directed programs and policies in non-Aboriginal institutions. However, these gains have occurred alongside, and in some cases through, neoliberal reforms to higher education. This article explores the political consequences of the neoliberal institutionalization of First Nations empowerment for public sector unions and workers. We examine a case where the indigenization of a community college in British Columbia was embedded in neoliberal reforms that ran counter to the interests of academic instructors. Although many union members supported indigenization, many also possessed a deep ambivalence about the change. Neoliberal indigenization increased work intensity, decreased worker autonomy and promoted an educational philosophy that prioritized labour market needs over liberal arts. This example demonstrates how the integration of Aboriginal aspirations into neoliberal processes of reform works to rationalize public sector restructuring, constricting labour agency and the possibilities for alliances between labour and Aboriginal peoples. [From Author]

Whereas the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples provides a framework for reconciliation, healing and peace, as well as harmonious and cooperative relations based on the principles of justice, democracy, respect for human rights, non-discrimination and good faith;

Whereas the rights and principles affirmed in the Declaration constitute the minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of Indigenous peoples of the world, and must be implemented in Canada;

Whereas, in the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations known as the World Conference on Indigenous Peoples, Canada and other States reaffirm their solemn commitment to respect, promote and advance the rights of Indigenous peoples of the world and to uphold the principles of the Declaration; [From Preamble]

In Indian tradition each adult is personally responsible for each child, to see that he learns all he needs to know in order to live a good life. As our fathers had a clear idea of what made a good man and a good life in their society, so we modern Indians, want our children to learn that happiness and satisfaction come from:
— pride in one's self,
— understanding one's fellowmen, and,
— living in harmony with nature.
These are lessons which are necessary for survival in this twentieth century. [From Author]

How twenty-five acres of Ontario farmland have become a new front in the battle for Indigenous self-governance. [From Website]

What is nation building? This article explores the perspectives of a group of students at Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute in 2014 during a time of cultural revitalization and upon the restoration of Higher Learning Commission (HLC) accreditation. As demonstrated by the vignette, nation building has become a popular term in academia as well as in the words spoken by Native leadership. From the vantage point of various roles, but primarily as an educator, I wanted to uncover how nation building was articulated through the eyes of tribal college students who: studied nation building curriculum; heard from the experiences of speakers invested in Indigenous communities; engaged in service learning projects that served Native children; and who were immersed in an educational setting that was grounded in valuing the sovereignty of tribal nations. Celina shared her story with me during an interview. She was a key participant in a phenomenological study that was completed shortly after the gas station event described above. The purpose of the study was to capture the collective phenomenological experience and pay tribute to the many projects that led to the accomplishments of students like Celina. These students shared the common experience of taking a set of Native Studies–centered courses and attending SIPI from 2013–14 during a general education movement in cultural relevancy. These courses were designed to establish an understanding of nation building through Indigenous education pedagogy. [From Author]

The Indian Control of Indian Education (ICIE) (1972) policy document was, and continues to be, evidence of the power of Aboriginal peoples in Canada working together to speak up against government assimilationist policies. The voices in this article represent four generations of Indigenous scholars who were either involved in creating or have been influenced by ICIE. The federal government's proposed Bill on First Nation Education is also critiqued in relation to the principles of ICIE. The article shares lessons learned about ICIE, reflections on power and knowledge, and visions for reciprocal relationships that truly embody the ICIE values articulated over 40 years ago. The principles about local control; parental engagement; Indigenous knowledge, culture, and language; Indigenous teachers; and better prepared non-Indigenous teachers are still as relevant and important as they were 40 years ago. The challenge remains to put these principles into everyday educational practice now and for the next 40 years. [From Author]

Prior to European settlement, First Nations governance systems were centered on extended families organized by clans. Traditional kin-based leadership selection practices, combined with consensus decision-making, ensured that all clans were equally represented and participated in governance. This article discusses findings from dissertation research on First Nations governance in Western Canada. It examines how contemporary First Nations governments, despite enduring ongoing legacies of colonization and operating under the Indian Act, a law that does not support good democratic governance, have worked to achieve effective governance. For this article, findings related to the Indian Act’s impact on traditional clan-based systems of First Nations governance will be discussed: particularly, the ways Indian Act elections perpetuate nepotism and maintain the political
status quo, creating a culture of spinning wheels that makes it difficult to maintain change. [From Author]

Treaties follow a six stage process in collaboration with the British Columbia Treaty Commission. The Ministry of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation leads the province's participation in Final Agreement and Agreement-in-Principle. [From Website]

The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP) calls for the right to self-determination, as self-determination is a prerequisite for Indigenous people to recongnize their political, social, economic, and collective human rights. Canada has historically been unsupportive of UNDRIP as the federal government considers UNDRIP at odds with Canadian sovereignty and existing Canadian institutions. While the right to self-government is currently protected under section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, it is defined narrowly and falls short of allowing meaningful self-government for the majority of Indigenous people.  This paper considers the conflicting nature of self-determination and self-government through considering the impact of Indigenous sovereignty on state sovereignity, an analysis of various approaches to self-government in Canada, and the feasability of adopting a rights-based approach to self-government. This paper concludes that utilizing a human rights-based approach to self-government addresses the perceived conflicts at the state-level while providing for the creation of meaningful self-government arrangements.  Self-government arrangements must be created by Indigenous communities for Indigenous communities in order to reflect the diverse needs of Indigenous people regardless of their territorial affiliation or formal Indian status. [From Author]

Improving state compliance with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) can be supported by monitoring and measurement. Current approaches to monitoring state compliance with the UNDRIP are qualitative and non-standardized, which limits comparability across time and across geopolitical lines. In this article, we introduce a novel approach to monitoring compliance with the UNDRIP and human rights more generally. This work highlights the potential advantages of using a performance improvement framework to clearly identify gaps in compliance, monitor state compliance with the Declaration over time, and effectively assess and compare state compliance. We describe the development of a standardized UNDRIP compliance assessment tool and report the process and findings of a pilot test of the tool. The pilot assessment utilized the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples' (SRRIP; Anaya, 2014) findings on the situation of Indigenous Peoples in Canada in three thematic areas: (a) self-government and self-governance; (b) consultation and free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC); and (c) land and natural resources. While insufficient for a fulsome assessment of Canada’s compliance with the UNDRIP, we restricted ourselves to the report for two reasons: first, to test the applicability of the tool for quantifying qualitative data; and, second, to evaluate the degree to which the UN monitoring mechanism for Indigenous rights adheres to the Declaration’s Articles for monitoring and reporting. We discuss implications and opportunities for improving human rights monitoring and state implementation efforts. [From Author]

To state that the Canadian criminal justice system has historically failed to provide adequate measures of justice for Indigenous peoples would be both an understatement and a mischaracterization. Canadian institutions of justice have not merely failed Indigenous peoples but were not designed to protect Indigenous interests to begin with. Designed by and for European newcomers who sought to institute their own legal orders, the justice system has functioned as an integral part of the structure of settler colonialism in Canada. As the institutional relationship between Indigenous, federal, and provincial governments has never been reconfigured in such a way that represents a rupture from these origins, it should come as no surprise that the criminal justice system continues to operate in a way that has not significantly departed from its earliest mandate. [From Author]

As more people ripen to understand the new world holocaust of our First Nations, Blair Stonechild's book is timely. To bring to light the spiritual relationships, attitudes, and practices of Indigenous people makes a real contribution to the world of thought.' Buffy Sainte-Marie In The Knowledge Seeker, Blair Stonechild shares his sixty-year journey of learning-from residential school to PhD and beyond-while trying to find a place for Indigenous spirituality in the classroom. Encouraged by an Elder who insisted sacred information be written down, Stonechild explores the underlying philosophy of his people's teachings to demonstrate that Indigenous spirituality can speak to our urgent, contemporary concerns. [From Publisher]

Although we have been subjected to colonial forces for several centuries, we retain and affirm all of our inherent collective rights as sovereign nations. These rights include the right to protect our own survival, in particular, by protecting our cultures, languages, and knowledge systems from expropriation, encroachment, or theft. [From Author]

Today the Declaration is the most comprehensive international instrument on the rights of indigenous peoples. It establishes a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the world and it elaborates on existing human rights standards and fundamental freedoms as they apply to the specific situation of indigenous peoples. [From Website]

I began my PhD studies in 2005 knowing I wanted to study concepts of Indigenous governance and self-determination. I knew my journey would not be easy; we live after all in harsh colonial times. The Indian Act is still in effect and by its very nature subjugates and oppresses Indigenous governance and empowerment. In abiding by an Indigenous Research methodology, I was able to come to understand and begin to document what it takes to be self-determining and shed light on true Indigenous governing principles while living under a colonial regime. Abiding by an Indigenous Research methodology meant I had to “live” my research, tell my story from a decolonized mind, body and spirit, learn from Stó:lō epistemologies and above all make sure my research could lend its voice to change and Indigenous empowerment. My research therefore is as much about my journey in decolonization and empowerment as it is about understanding Indigenous governing principles. My journey was guided by the teachings of Xexá:ls and therefore is inextricably linked to Stó:lō territory, ontology and epistemology. Behind the colonial barricade, I discovered Stó:lō governing principles provided within our cultural teachings and transformations throughout our territory that speak to the power of place, the importance of women, the laws of our ancestors and the title to territory embedded within our sxwōxwiyám and ancestral names. It is now 2012 and the timing is right to begin to change, to transform colonial relations of Indigenous disempowerment, disease and disconnection. The time is right to return to our teachings of Xexá:ls and our governing principle of “all our relations." [From Author]

In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclosure was directed to rescale critique of the state away from the Canadian government, and toward First Nations governments. The article concludes by examining how bureaucrats envisioned how Indigenous peoples would use transparency and disclosure to reform their political conducts into that of a calculating taxpayer citizenship. [From Author]

The Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre recently held a dialogue on implementing the UN Declaration through Bill C-15. The dialogue included 12 political, expert, and legal panelists offering perspectives on the proposed federal government legislation to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Facilitated by Dr. Mary-Ellen Turpel-Lafond, Aki-Kwe, and Dr. Roshan Danesh, QC, the dialogue included diverse perspectives and discussions. For those who were not able to attend, the video of the event is now available, as well as a summary report highlighting the key themes of the discussions. [From Website]

Basque Country is known for its commitment to self-determination, language revitalisation, and cultural continuity. GIDA is the Basque word for guide. One of the key aims of GIDA is to share frameworks, tools, and processes to help guide the practice of Indigenous Data Sovereignty around the globe. [From Website]